Document(s) 34 of 38

Abstract: The Nayakrishi practice of ecological agriculture has its own unique philosophy and design. Nayakrishi Andolon is not a "project" that is being executed by UBINIG¹ . "Andolon" means movement. It is a movement of farmers growing from the grassroots: to ensure that the living environment is free from toxic and unwanted chemicals; to promote the conservation and regeneration of seeds so as to protect and enhance biodiversity and genetic resources; to resist dispossession and centralization of natural resources through centralized structures such as 'seedbanks' and/or 'genebanks' (which exclude farmers from having access to the common property of the community); to search for alternative methods and institutions for the conservation of biodiversity and genetic resources on-farm through structures controlled by the community/village; to ensure food security and nutrition; to search for agricultural practices that can conserve other life forms, mainly endangered species; to become culturally aware of the intricate role played by all those species of nature that are not the object of immediate human needs, etc.

There are more than 2000 farmers all over Bangladesh engaged in Nayakrishi agriculture. The number has been rapidly increasing since the recent fertilizer crisis, where farmers dependent on chemical fertilizers could not cultivate crops. There are already eight villages in Tangail that are known to farmers as "Nayakrishi villages". These are villages where at least 70 percent of the farmers have stopped using pesticides, chemicals fertilizers, and ground water for irrigation.

This paper will draw lessons from the experience of the Nayakrishi Andolon, where UBINIG is playing an inspirational role and serving as a source of alternative information for farmers. The agricultural policy environment of the Bangladesh Government will form the context in which to better understand the policy implications of some of the ideas of farmers who are working to counter genetic erosion and the loss of biodiversity.

In particular, the paper will focus on the following themes:

• Highlighting the seed conservation and regeneration practices within the broad movement of Nayakrishi Andolon. How farmers are perceiving Intellectual Property Rights in a Post-Uruguay political and economic environment.

• Some of the specific issues related to biodiversity and genetic resource conservation in a floodplain agro-ecological system and the disastrous consequences of embankments.

• Why farmers think maintenance of genetic resources on-farm is the only way to ensure their control and access to the natural wealth. Why they revoke and defend the traditional concept, right and cultural norms of 'common property'.

• What debates farmers are having among themselves with regard to an institutionalized seedbank or genebank. Can it be accepted as a back-up in case farm-level preservation fails?

• Whether nature should be allowed to destroy, change, transform biodiversity and genetic resources? Are biodiversity and genetic resources 'static' phenomena? Is it true that the 'conservation' mentality is either a romanticized view of non-agricultural class who are not directly related to nature or a corporate view to collect genetic resources for economic profit?

• Why farmers claim that 'conservation' is a new term for centralized control by the corporations and the state when it is not a 'living' conservation immediately related to the living agricultural practices of the farmers.

A few words on "Ananada"

Nayakrishi did not start with any pretension of practicing fancy 'ecological agriculture' as a show case, or any variety of the so-called 'sustainable agriculture' approaches, a new apology to continue business as usual in the agricultural sector. The Nayakrishi Andolon developed as a response against the overwhelming promotion and practice of chemical agriculture in Bangladesh and the erosion of community power in the face of encroaching and centralizing forces beyond the control of the peasantry. It is a practical response of farmers against the destruction of environment and the consequent loss of their means of livelihood. The economic, social and political processes of dispossession and disempowerment, privatization of natural resources and the consequent erosion of common property rights and privileges, loss of seeds and genetic resources and, above all, the increasing perception of insecurity of food and productive resources are the major factors precipitating a deep sense of displacement among the rural communities in Bangladesh. Discontentment is manifested through various social forms of protest and resistance. The Nayakrishi Andolon is an exercise in productive and positive engagement with the dynamic realities of life to regenerate visions and practical means for a new and happy community.

UBINIG is mainly playing a role as an information source, an interpreter into popular language of the available knowledge from science or other discourses. Together with UBINIG, farmers test new ideas in practical ways , to see if they are capable of responding to the crisis of their daily struggle. It is a collective, reflective and critical role, because immense care is taken not to suppress the popular wisdom of the peasants in the name of the so-called 'science', while at the same time not to romanticize peasant life and peasant 'knowledge'. In essence, our actions aim for critical appropriation of both 'science' and 'traditional knowledge'. In addition, UBINIG carries out the secretarial tasks of documenting and preserving the valuable information constantly being generated by such interactions at the grassroots level.

In the context of the profit-based organization of society and knowledge systems connected to the global market, the experiential knowledge of the peasantry is given privilege and priority against the 'laboratory' knowledge of empirical modern discourse. UBINIG defends the values of the subsistence life activities of peasantry, not because that they are ideal or free from contradictions, but mainly to rebuild the power of living experience over the formalized, dry, and highly institutionalized systems of thought that are inherently suppressive and intolerant to opposing modes of thought.

Nayakrishi farmers: perceptions, ideas and actions

The salient points raised by the farmers in the course of their evaluation of the existing agricultural practices are the following. We tried to understand them in the order of significance farmers give to each of them:

1. The fertility of the soil is clearly declining.

2. The health situation is terrible, with the strongest opposition against chemical agriculture coming from women. Without fail, each and every peasant woman complained about her health and the health of her children. This is also the reason why women are the natural leaders in the Nayakrishi Andolon. It is not for any fancy 'ecological' issue, but precisely because of the painful suffering she and her family members are going through, caused mainly by pesticides. She can experience the change in the chemistry of the environment by her own body. The desperate necessity to overcome the disease and sufferings caused by pesticides and chemicals was the single most important reason of the initial success of the Nayakrishi Andolan.

3. The fish populations are declining in the water bodies and ponds, in quantity as well as in diversity. Most of the familiar local varieties of fishes have disappeared. The frog population has also declined alarmingly. Farmers don't even notice leeches in the water anymore.

4. The pest attacks in the field are more widespread and intense. Most of the pests are new. Old farmers claimed they had never before seen many of the pests now encountered in their fields. The government agricultural extension workers are not capable of solving the problems of these farmers.

5. There is a general decline in livestock and poultry. The reason is not economic poverty, but the poverty of biomass production caused by high-yield varieties (HYVs) rice. The local varieties were the main source of fodder. In the absence of local varieties, straws from the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) varieties of rice have failed to meet livestock needs.

6. The total income of the family has declined, both in economic value and in terms of returns from agricultural activities. Whenever we made calculations of the benefits gained from HYV varieties, farmers were able to distinguish between the calculation of the productivity and income on the basis of a single crop and the total income of a farming family. Farmers felt that they have been cheated by scientists, agricultural extension workers and the government. Simply, a 'high yielding' variety does not mean a 'higher' income for the farming household.

7. There are fewer birds, and very few bees, butterflies and insects. While the fruit trees come into flowering during the season, the quantity of fruit harvested is very low, and, in some seasons, almost nil.

8. There is a general decline in nutrition, mainly because farmers are not producing pulses and oilseeds in the face of an overwhelming HYV cultivation.

1. Absolutely no use of pesticides, chemical fertilizers or ground water.

2. Farmers who are new in the andolon must learn from other farmers to use green manure or the art of making compost. Many different methods of compost-making and biomass sources were tested by farmers. Continuous research is ongoing and a wealth of knowledge has already been accumulated. Farmers have also been able to make compost for fish feed.

3. Farmers with long experience in the movement now know that bringing fertilizer (organic, or inorganic) from outside the farm field is not the only, or the best way to remedy the soil fertility crisis. They are aware that 'external' application of inputs is a hangover from the old habits of chemical agriculture. Farmers are constantly trying new ways to increase the fertility of their soil, without 'external' inputs. Their ingenuity rests on their recognition that soil becomes alive if given proper care.

4. Nitrogen-fixing species of plants and trees are becoming familiar, and farmers are eager to experiment with new species.

5. Multicropping, intercropping, mixed cropping, agroforestry and other familiar methods are used to retain and enhance soil fertility. Nevertheless, more and more farmers are convinced that the best method for pest management is conservation and constant regeneration of biodiversity. The practice of misra fashal or 'multicropping' has become popular mainly for pest management and maintenance of the health of the soil.

6. Livestock, poultry, and semi-domesticated birds are seen as a part of the farm land. Farmers are relearning to calculate the total yield of the farm, not the quantitative productivity of a single crop.

7. Emphasis is placed on the production of fuel wood, fruit trees along with rice and vegetable fields. The combination of rice-duck, fish-duck or triple combination of rice, fish and duck are seen as potential ideas. Some of the new breakthroughs have come from the more innovative farmers. For example, the cultivation of catfish and water aram, which has proved to be very profitable. Farmers have developed a keen interest in observing and studying the ecology of fresh water bodies and ponds to integrate into the farm's environment.

8. Among the fish varieties, local species are given priority. The economic advantage of a specific habitat is emphasized.

9. Local poultry is preferred, because it is more profitable in a Nayakrishi farm: less intensive care, no need for external supply of feed, and virtually no disease. There is always plenty of feed for chicken in Nayakrishi households. A 50 decimal land with homestead and an adjacent rice/vegetable field can raise 300 to 500 chickens. The best time is the rainy season, when there is not much to do in the agricultural field. The idea that imported varieties of chickens should remain confined has been questioned as, on some farms, they are being raised in the open, along with local species.

10. Raising local species of livestock in a Nayakrishi farm has been easy and profitable. In a one and half acre of farm, at least 20 cows are being raised, without bringing or buying any 'external' fodder. Nayakrishi farmers are critical of artificial insemination for moral and cultural reasons, but they are not against cross-breeding. The concept of 'pure' breed is criticized for the assumption that life is not evolutionary and does not undergo change. Similarly there is no hangover or romanticization over 'pure' local varieties of seed or plant. Farmers are aware that at least four out of ten useful plant species came to Bangladesh from other geographical region and are doing quite well.

The activities of Nayakrishi centers

The centers organize training and conduct research. UBINIG coordinates the task whereby experienced Nayakrishi farmers train new members. UBINIG produces the training material. From our experience, we have learned that certain general assumptions with regard to training materials did not hold for the training of farmers. For example, oral and anecdotal sharing of experience and dissemination of information proved to be more intense and had longer-term impact than audiovisuals. This is despite the fact that farmers like audiovisuals.

The Bishnupur center provides space for training, with accommodation for farmers and non- governmental organization (NGO) workers assisting the farmers, who come from different places of the country. All centers have two to three acres of farm land, which are used for research and experiments and kept as a source of seed, healthy livestock, and poultry for the villagers-- not to demonstrate 'model' activity .

The backbone of the Nayakrishi farmers' network are the 'gram karmi' or the extension workers. Nayakrishi activities are led by extension farmers in 2 thanas, 6 unions and 31 villages. For close monitoring, information collection and documentation, 1387 farming families in Tangail are in direct contact with UBINIG. New additions since last June 1994 total 617 families. In the last few months, more farmers from the northern and southern districts have also been linked directly.

Every year, an agricultural exhibition is organized in Tangail in which thousands of farmers participate. The adhunik farmers also take part. It becomes an excellent event for debates and sharing information between the two major approaches to agriculture and agricultural life.

Who are the farmers of Nayakrishi?

• Poor farmers having land of less than 1 acre: 617 (80%)
• Middle farmers having land of 1-3 acres: 130 (17%)
• Surplus farmers having land of 3-5 acres: 23 (3%)

Poorer farmers are more numerous in the Nayakrish Andolon mainly for economic reasons. The prices of chemical fertilizer and pesticides have increased significantly, and more fertilizers are required to get the same return as that of the previous season. There are cases where poor farmers have been forced to sell land because they have not been able to cultivate anymore due to shortage of cash. It is particularly this group of poor farmers who are attracted to Nayakrishi.

However, during the months of July to December 1994, in the span of a six- month period, there have been clear trends of change. More of the middle-range farmers with marketable surplus have joined the Andolon. If we compare with the figures in June, of the total farmers joining Nayakrishi was 17% for middle farmers and 3% surplus farmers. This has increased to 18% and 5% respectively. The increase in the number is (from 130 to 250 i.e. 92%) for middle farmers and (from 23 to 69 farmers i.e. 200%). While the poor farmers are primarily joining to meet mere subsistence needs, the middle and surplus farmers have acknowledged the economic viability of the farming system as a whole. They have also realized the environmental hazards and the loss of biodiversity due to the use of chemicals and the overwhelming practice of monoculture. One of the reasons for the late response of the middle and surplus farmers is that they are more conscious to avoid direct contact with mud and dirt while cultivating. The modern agricultural practice has created an impression of 'white-collar' farming which enables them to wear watches, and sandals and to avoid mud on their bodies. Compost-making therefore did not initially attract them. Up to now, surplus farmers have been buying compost from the poor farmers to use in their own fields.

The most memorable events for the farmers were those in Goaria and Hinganagar villages when two deep tube wells stopped operating because the farmers no longer needed the ground water for irrigation. Their technique of maintaining enough moisture in the soil had been developed by trial and error over the years--as had the choice of an appropriate cropping pattern to ensure higher productivity and income on slightly raised land. Farmers use both plain and live mulching, and land is never left without cover.

Land use pattern of Nayakrishi famers

In the rest of the land, there is no use of pesticides, and the use of chemical fertilizer is relatively lower than with the 'adhunik' or 'modern' farmers². The Nayakrishi farmers are strictly against pesticides. Chemical fertilizers are discouraged in principle, but there has been a slow and gradual decrease in its use in practice. In the case of some degraded land, it will require a long period to activate the soil. In such cases, productivity would fall drastically without specific fertilizer use.

The location of the farm land is a critical. Land located far from the homestead and in the middle of the farms of adhunik farmers, is difficult to bring under Nayakrishi practice. In a flood-plain lowland area, the management of the soil fertility requires collective efforts and hard work. The recent fertilizer crisis has created interest among the adhunik farmers about the Nayakrishi method.

Out of 38 villages in Tangail where Nayakrishi farming is being practiced, 12 villages are already known to the farmers as Nayakrishi Gram or Nayakrishi village. In these villages, at least 65% of the cultivable land has been brought under Nayakrishi: no pesticides, no chemical fertilizers, no ground water irrigation.

Among the 1387 farming families, the practice of the kitchen gardening has widened and intensified. Apart from the need for family consumption, there is a growing market for Nayakrishi products. In small village bazaars, a portion of consumers prefers vegetables from Nayakrishi farmers, due to superior taste, quality, as well as health reasons. These products are sold at a slightly higher price in the village. Farmers can get a good value if the products are brought to Tangail town. The kitchen gardening is done strictly by Nayakrishi methods. No chemical fertilizer or pesticide is used for growing vegetables. Some families have had success in economic terms from home-gardening work.

Seed and genetic resource conservation

In central discussions with peasant women, it has come out strongly that the loss of seeds from the household also meant the loss of power for women. In the agrarian culture, it is the woman who conserves, preserves, and germinates seeds. This involves highly intricate knowledge, which is transmitted from mothers to daughters, from sisters to sisters, from mothers-in-law to the daughters-in-law, or from one village sister to another. Unless one is familiar with the delicate wisdom of seed conservation and propagation, it is hard even to guess why some seeds should be dried under bright sun, and others under shade. Among the germination techniques, some seeds are left overnight in the atmospheric moisture. Once such knowledge sharing started among peasant women, they decided to recollect their science in a more systematic manner. They asked us to document their seed practices, many now gone due to the availability of HYV seeds on the market. A separate study is being conducted under the guidance of the peasant women.

Dependence of the farmers on the market for seeds also means the displacement of women from the control of a crucial technology, the heart of agriculture. Once women have lost that control, they have become disempowered and felt dispossessed. It should be remembered that women do not generally possess land, and that possession of seed is therefore crucial to women's ability to assert their positive and powerful role in agrarian culture. Loss of seed has made women redundant and powerless.

Peasant women started to build their 'veez-sampad' or 'seed-wealth'. The concept is strongly opposite to concepts like 'seedbanks' or 'genebanks; . Peasant women are against any centralization of seed wealth in the form of a 'bank". The principles of seed collection, conservation, preservation and regeneration are the following.

1. Women must regain control over seeds and the associated art. Seeds should be preserved at the household level. This should be maintained strictly for seeds that are common and that are generally used in the village.

2. For specialized seeds, or seeds that are not considered economically-valuable to the villagers in immediate terms, a specialized women's network should be organized. Village women should know who is expert on what, and who is preserving which special seeds. This network will work as breeders generally work and will conduct investigations to learn more about a particular variety. Interaction will take place within and between villages, among the seed network members. Men can also be members of such a network, but a separate men's network may be preferable due to past, bitter experience. It is a constant struggle for peasant women to assert their voices in the Nayakrishi network. Information on seeds and their collections cannot be shared with any "unknown" persons or agencies, without the consent of the group.

3. UBINIG will operate a community seed wealth center in an initial experiment where Nayakrishi farmers can exchange seeds at no cost. UBINIG will mainly collect indigenous seeds from all over Bangladesh, and will help farmers to test them. UBINIG will have to fill the gap in areas where the community fails to maintain their biodiversity.

4. The community seeds wealth center will be based on the experience of women in seed preservation and germination. UBINIG may learn new techniques, but the priority of the first years will be on gathering the popular knowledge of peasant women and putting their insights into practice.

5. All gram karmi or village workers must maintain a nursery. In every village nursery, activities are to be done on a regular basis. Nayakrishi gram karmis will be helped to sell their seeds and saplings, from which a part of their income should come. Similarly, seed women should be supported from the income derived from selling seeds by all Nayarkishi farmers in the village so that they can have economic support to continue their work.

As an example, we describe one of the procedures for collecting and preserving some of the common seeds of rice, pulses, sesame, kaon, wheat. etc: After collecting good seeds from a well-maintained source, the seeds are cleaned by hand, removing dirt and degradable organic matter. The seeds are dried under bright sun for at least five to six days. To test if they are properly dried, the experienced peasant woman may bite the seeds between her teeth. This is in addition to her physical observations. Dried seeds are kept in a cool place and the seeds are then poured into a kalash, an earthen pot. Dry sands are placed on top of the pot and the mouth is sealed with clay. The prepared pots are kept in a shaded and cool place. Vegetable seeds sometimes are kept in colored glass-bottles.

The community seeds center has already collected and reintroduced 27 varieties of local paddy. Our experience has been varied, but farmers particularly like the species that are cultivated in the aman season. More research is necessary to evaluate the different indigenous varieties. Side by side our experiments in conservation, we are comparing the performance of local and HYV seed.

The Nayakrishi farmers are not against the 'high-yielding' varieties offered by the formal sector, as long as they can collect and preserve the seed. They are willing to try new seeds from the laboratory, as long as they do not require pesticides, chemicals and irrigated water. They are strongly against hybrids. There have been quite positive results in using 'high yielding' varieties without chemicals. However, to get profitable results in the boro season, irrigation is required. The local varieties are preferred by those farmers who also own livestock. The 'HYV' seeds that can be cultivated in a Nayakrishi way are playing a key role in the transition from the adhunik to the Nayakrishi system of cultivation. The trend is towards a pattern that is best suited to a 'farm' in its totality-- with livestock, birds and fish-- and incorporating its own seed preservation. A farmer in need of more biomass as fodder and fuel prefers the local variety and shows keen interest in reintroducing the old variety--which previously may have disappeared from the area. The main objection of experienced Nayakrishi farmers to HYV seeds is the difficulty in their preservation. The women's seed network is against HYV mainly because they feel that these seeds cannot be kept for long under normal household conditions.

Comparison of productivity and economic return

Abdur Rahim, an adhunik farmer cultivating HYV varieties in Tangail, calculated that his 'profit' for the whole year from a 150 decimal flood plain lowland was Taka 25,322/- over and above his 'total costs' of Taka 19,970/=³. He calculations were based on returns from BR-11 in aman season (August-December, 1993) and BR-2 in boro season (January-April 1994). The output was 20 kg during aman per decimal and close to 19 kg during boro. The calculations do not include his time and cost of management, but do note the time he employed in plowing and weeding. The profit includes the value of straw (Taka 7,800/=). Rahim is a representative case from the Nayakrishi area, a good farmer who still considers adhunik farming to be more profitable than Nayakrishi. He spent Taka 5670/= on pesticides and fertilizers.

Let us compare his performance with that of Khasru Mian, a Nayakrishi farmer who tried both HYV seed and local varieties in the consecutive years of 1993 and 1994. In 1993, he cultivated Biplab (BR-3), a HYV aman variety, and Mala or BR-2 in the boro season. He did not use chemical fertilizers or pesticides, but did use a large quantity of compost, more or less 15 kg per decimal. Khasru Mian produced 17.5 kg of Biplab per decimal and slightly over 16 kg of Mala per decimal. His total cost was Taka 15,400/= and the profit was Taka 26,650/= over and above the cost. The costs of the compost, weeding and harvesting included his own labor efforts. The includes the value of the straw which was Taka 11,700/=.

In the next year, when Khasru Mian cultivated the indigenous variety of Lal Chamara in the aman season, the output was 13.50 kg per decimal. In the boro season, he cultivated Guni-haita, another local variety. The output was approximately 9 kg per decimal. The 'profit' over and above the production 'cost' was 21,070/=. This includes the value of the straw which was Taka 13,070/=.

We calculated the value of the straw because that changes the comparative scenario. The straw of the local variety is easy to sell as fodder, but the HYV straws are not. The price is higher in the case of the indigenous variety. If the straw is excluded from the calculations, the profit for the HYV with all inputs is Taka 17,522/= , HYV without inputs Taka 14,950/=, and indigenous variety is Taka 8,000/=. So with straw included in the calculation, the local variety gives 79 to 83% of the profits of the HYV. Without straw, comparable profits vary from 46 to 54%.

In terms of economic calculations, the returns are less in case of the HYV and indigenous seed without external inputs compared to the HYV seed with chemicals and water (NOT TRUE!). The productivity of the land where external inputs have been reduced is improving significantly and UBINIG is trying this year to have figures from wider samples to understand the degree of improvement. Nevertheless, the use of his local variety made Khasru Mian happy. He needed the local straw as construction material due to its fiber quality. The roof constructed from such straws survives easily for at least three years, a substantial savings for Khasru Mian. In his cost and profit calculations he included the straw which can easily be sold at a much higher price than the HYV variety. The greatest advantage with the straw of the local variety is that it does not quickly degrade, like the HYV straws. Farmers can store it as fodder for a long period of time. According to farmers, old straws are a treat for the cows. These are the additional advantages, apart from their use in mulching.

Khasru Mian is not an exceptional Nayakrishi farmer. There are others like him who are ready to accept low yield and less income, as long as they do not have to starve. They are motivated for environmental reasons, and want to experiment with their land to beat the adhunik farms both in productivity and income. Once they can make that breakthrough, they believe their village will become alive with livestock, poultry, fish, and plenty of fruit and timber trees.

However, these calculations are from the low-flood plain lands. In the slightly raised lands, where flood and rain water does not stay for long, the picture is different. The calculation from the land of Abdul Barek will demonstrate the case. He is a mixed cropper with innovative ideas. From October 1993 to September 1994 his amount of profit over and above the cost was Taka 37,448/=. Barek planted potato, sugarcane, onion, garlic, amaranth, coriander and maize. The market value of the output was Taka 61,390/= while the cost was Taka 23,942/=.

While a generalized calculation is not possible and where comparisons are questionable, these representative farmers can tell us a lot to guide the direction of Nayakrishi. Nayakrishi is appealing to farmers who can practice mixed cropping; therefore the type of land owned by the farmer is a factor. As the movement can show positive for some lands, interest is growing to creatively redesign the cropping pattern of low flood plains. The recent fertilizer crisis has contributed to generating wide interest in Nayakrishi. Experienced Nayakrishi farmers are very eager to make a breakthrough in the flood plain land.

It is important to mention that the floodwater is seen as a resource, and is considered to be positive for agriculture, since the water also brings alluvium. This also precipitates perceptive limitation with regard to the top soil and its management. The flood plain farmers take time to appreciate the value of topsoil, because their land is replenished with fertile soil more or less every year.

Multipurpose trees and medicinal plants

A shift in perception is taking place among the senior Nayakrishi farmers, who are increasingly reinforcing the notion of agriculture as the production of food, energy, timber and moisture. Retaining the moisture in the land has recently become a major issue, in the face of the severe drought in certain parts of Bangladesh.

The peasant women are also interested in medicinal plants. UBINIG field workers, working with the women's groups and extension workers, played a very important role in identifying the different species of plants in the villages which are used as medicine. There were few surprises for the villagers as many of these plants are still in use.

However, it was an interesting learning experience for the UBINIG field workers. They collected as many plants as possible in their search for medicinal ones. At UBINIG, an album of the plant leaves, along with the description, is available for at least 140 different plants that are actively used by the villagers. A three-month study was conducted by UBINIG with the village women, from June 1992 to September 1992. We went to the villages, collected information as well as the plants, and were sure to identify the locality. An album was made in which the parts of the plant used for medicinal purposes were pasted, with the description of the entire plant and the pattern of use for different diseases. The information was collected from 21 villages. Sixty-four women and 11 men served as sources of information in the villages. Awareness building for plants with medicinal qualities is important to preserve and enhance biodiversity . Among the 140 plants collected, there is one plant which is used for at least six different diseases: garlic. Garlic was found to be the most effective medicine for: cough/cold, whooping cough, arthritis, skin disease, ear troubles and heart disease. There are three plants which are used for at least five diseases. These are Bishkathali, mango and betel leaves. For example, Bishkathali is used for headaches, as painkiller from fish bone injury and thorn injury, foot-skin reaction due to cold, etc. Betel leaf is used for different kinds of stomach troubles, indigestion, and for fever. Mango is used for diabetes, throat pain, leucorrhoea, diarrhoea etc. Similarly, there are five plants which are used for at least four diseases; there are 15 plants which are used for at least three diseases; there are 47 plants which are used for at least 2 diseases; and there are 69 plants which are used for at least one disease. The village families are being encouraged to increase the local plant resources by bringing useful medicinal plants from other areas. Planting medicinal plants is being undertaken as a component of homestead gardening and horticultural activities. Women are obviously playing a predominant role in this respect.

Consolidating the gain and disseminating the message

UBINIG is concentrating on the issue of the community seed wealth, and working towards developing a farmers' network all over Bangladesh around Nayakrishi, in general, and seed, in particular.

Second, the demand for training has been increasing rapidly. Recently the Government Rural Development program has selected Nayakrishi as one of the major training partners for their rural co-operative members. Individual farmers from all over the country are continuously contacting UBINIG expressing their desire to participate in training program.

Third, systematic and intensive studies should be undertaken immediately in two directions: a) thorough study on the flood-plain ecology in the context of Nayakrishi. The study should help farmers to promote innovative ideas with lowlands; farmers have already identified lowland plants that can be used as agroforestry species; b) an exercise with the farmers and the community to conduct a natural resource auditing. This is extremely important to chart the future direction of the Nayakrishi Andolon.

Fourth, the role of UBINIG as an information center should be strengthened. We have been publishing a 48-page fortnightly called CHINTA for the last four years. More than 60 percent of its content covers agriculture and environment. Nevertheless, there is a tremendous demand for a Nayakrishi Journal where readers can get latest ideas of science and knowledge in simple and popular language and, at the same time, documentation of the experience of farmers, Nayakrishi practitioners or not, who are evolving agricultural systems free of toxic chemicals and alive with green.

In the face of modern agriculture and all the supports from the government and the international agencies, the message and the practice of Nayakrishi Andolon is attracting the peasantry without having to expend substantial effort. This fact is already a surprise for UBINIG. To the practicing peasants, the benefits are already visible. The possibility is immense for expanding the movement to address wider issues of biodiversity, genetic resources and related questions of ecology and environment.

Footnotes

1. UBINIG (Policy Research for Development Alternative) is a research and policy advocacy organization. The major areas of activities include environment and agriculture, handloom and rural industrialization, health and population, toxic trade, trade union issues, etc. (BACK)

2. To describe modern farmers using HYV technology, we will use the term adhunik mainly because to the Nayakrishi farmers, the issue is not 'technology' only. It is also loaded with cultural and class implications. (BACK)

3. 1 US dollar is equivalent to Taka 40/=. (BACK)

Document(s) 34 of 38