Document(s) 5 of 14

Africa and the Information Age

Dizzying changes in the scope and reach of information infrastructures were the hallmark of the 1990s and have continued until present. Information technology and networking use have reached both developed and many developing economies, albeit to varying degrees and levels of intensity. The ubiquity of these changes has manifested itself through the extraordinary expansion of the Internet and the World Wide Web, as well as the rapid deployment of wireless networks, giving rise to the term 'networking revolution'. Developed societies have taken advantage of these changes with astonishing rapidity, gaining broad access to modern digital networks and significant economic and social spin-offs for their communications and business sectors. These countries have made inroads toward e-commerce opportunities, while their counterparts in developing countries have yet to achieve satisfactory levels of connectivity. The proliferation of e-business has heralded the so-called 'new information economy', with further positive ripple effects for information-intensive industries.

There is little doubt that sub-Saharan Africa's underserved populations are missing out on the boons of information and communication technology (ICT). As a region lagging behind in adoption, use and innovation in the ICT sectors, its populations are missing out on a better education, well-paying ICT jobs, investment possibilities and opportunities to use information technology to facilitate the delivery of basic services, such as health and education.

The long-term effects of ICTs and of domestic and international digital divides remain considerably unclear. Yet, ICT yields have increased income and cultural and political advantage to those who can apply it to their benefit. The networking revolution has unrivalled potential to open up new digital opportunities for developing countries, particularly in the area of education. The potential benefits from advances in ICTs could mean an acceleration of economic and social development and greater inclusion of isolated – particularly rural - populations into the mainstream of society and economic activity.

By bringing ICTs into the education environment, there may be opportunities for undertaking broader education initiatives that will bring youth into the information era. The evolution of school networking initiatives in more than 23 African countries should be seen against this background; thus it is crucial to embrace and appreciate tis potential for reducing the digital divide.

Status of education in African schools

School enrolments

While in many African countries formal education remains the largest sector and consumer of public revenues, educational participation in sub-Saharan Africa is only now approaching this level of significance. Between 1960 and 1990, the total number of persons enrolled at the three main education levels (primary, secondary and tertiary) in Africa rose on average 5 per cent (UNDP 1992).

Figure 1.1 illustrates the educational situation in terms of enrolment ratios at primary and secondary levels in the sample countries included in this publication. There have been remarkable escalations in enrolments at both the primary and secondary levels. However, the dropout rate of children from primary to secondary school is a major cause for concern. While significant improvements in educational provision at primary and secondary levels are evident, a large section of African youth is still excluded from education and will concomitantly be deprived of opportunities to benefit from the new economy.

Figure 1.1: School enrolment for selected countries, 1980 and 1994–97 as a % of total schoolgoing-age children

Source: World Bank (2000)

Public educational expenditure

Following years of serious economic and political instability, African countries have only recently begun to show the macroeconomic stability needed for educational financing. Finally, African population growth rates are consistently growing at a faster rate than economic growth. For instance, between 1988 and 2000, the average per capita economic growth rate in many of the sub-Saharan African countries was -0.1 per cent, as opposed to the average annual population growth rate of about 2.7 per cent since 1990 (Ibid.). Against this backdrop, one would have expected increases in revenue allocations for education to keep pace with population growth. This has not materialised, instead, spending has only been sufficient to maintain current enrolment figures.

Figure 1.2 shows that, with the exception of Lesotho, Namibia and South Africa, most of the selected countries have maintained relatively low revenue expenditures on education as a percentage of gross national product (GNP). By comparison, education spending per capita in industrialised countries is

roughly 20 times that of Africa, and almost twice as high in Asia (UNICEF). This is hardly surprising, given that many African countries have just emerged from periods of civil war, thus sufficient revenues have not yet been generated to establish education as a major priority. Many of these countries also carry heavy debt burdens that have to be serviced – they are classified in the current language of development as high interest paying countries (HIPCs).

Figure 1.2: Education expenditure as % of GNP, 1980 and 1985 versus 1990–97

Source: African Development Bank.

Illiteracy

Figure 1.3 highlights the problem of adult illiteracy levels in the region. A notable feature in this figure is the high adult illiteracy level in Senegal relative to other countries.

Figure 1.3: Adult illiteracy rates, 1995 as a % of age 15 and over unable to read and write

Source: African Development Bank.

Connectivity

By its very nature the ICT phenomenon is relatively new and extremely time sensitive. Available data, which are generally not as recent or as detailed as needed for many African countries, suggest that the majority of poor countries in sub-Saharan Africa are lagging behind in the information revolution.

Not surprisingly, the quest for connectivity has been problematic and will require fundamental shifts in the regulatory environment, as well as renewed attention to public-private partnerships and social services. For example, developed countries have 80 per cent of the world's Internet users, while the total international bandwidth for all of Africa is less than that of the city of São Paulo, Brazil (UNHD 2001).

Table 1.1: Number of Internet users, 1999 and 2002 (NUA)

All 54 African countries now have an Internet presence (Jensen 2002). Few countries from the region are, however, able to keep pace with the developed countries along a number of dimensions, which include:

Telephony

In 1998 there were 146 telephones per 1,000 people in the world, but only three per 1,000 in countries such as Uganda (World Bank 1998). More recently, there has been a rapid growth on the African continent in mobile telephony, which has far surpassed the number of landlines in countries where it is available (Table 1.2).

Computers

In 1998 for the world, there were 70.6 personal computers (PCs) per 1,000 people, with 311.2 per 1,000 in developed countries, compared with 7.5 per 10 000 in sub-Saharan Africa.

Bandwidth and speed

The amount of bandwidth a country has tells how much information can quickly travel from one country to another. By late 2000, the bulk of Internet connectivity linked the United States (USA) with Europe (56 gigabytes per second) and, to a lesser extent, the USA with the Asia-Pacific region (18gbps). Africa had extremely little bandwidth reaching Europe (0.2 gbps) and the USA (0.5 gbps). The latest figures indicate that the total international incoming Internet bandwidth is now well over 1 gbps, while outgoing traffic is estimated at about 800 megabytes per second (Jensen 2002).

Table 1.2 Estimated number of mobile phone users in selected African countries, 1998–2001 (NUA)

Africa, with its 739 million people, has only 14 million phone lines, a figure lower than that of Manhattan or Tokyo. Some 80 per cent of these lines are found in only six countries. The United Nations Human Development Report (UNHD 2000) indicates that industrialised countries with only 15 per cent of the world's population are home to 88 per cent of all Internet users. The geographical distribution of Internet hosts further illustrates the wide differences in connectivity between industrialised and developing countries.

Table 1.3: Telephone, mobile and Internet penetration in recent years, 1997–99

Source: World Bank (2000)

In 1999, there were only one million Internet subscribers on the entire African continent, compared with 15 million in the United Kingdom (UK). The average country of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has roughly 40 times the per capita number of computers of a sub-Saharan African country (South Africa excluded), 110 times as many mobile phones, and 1 600 times as many Internet hosts.

The differences are less marked with respect to the forms of technology that have been around longer – particularly television sets – but are still noticeable.

To summarise, the available information suggests there is a digital divide between Africa and the developed world. At the same time, however, there has been significant growth in ICTs. This creates opportunities for addressing some of the major educational problems the continent faces. The establishment of school networking projects in Africa is therefore an opportunity to bring youth into the global information society.

The role of school networking projects in Africa

The development and deployment of ICTs in education are perceived as important priorities for a nation. Howell and Lundall (2000) state that:

 . . . the literature strongly indicates that the effective use of ICTs in a country impacts strongly on the competitiveness of that economy within the global marketplace as well as the ability of the governments to deliver on their social goals.

While the causality expressed in this claim is contestable, the strong positive correlation between economic development and use of ICTs could invite such a perception. Many countries thus cite the use of ICTs as a strategy for economic development, seeing an investment in ICTs as an investment in the future. Believing these developments are, ‘Exposing today's kids to new ways of thinking to be able to compete tomorrow in a global environment,’ (IDRC 2000) they express this view. ICTs then become part of the vision for both globalisation and the development of communities, with the promise of a medium that is not bound by time and space. Meanwhile, time and space remain barriers to the development of ICTs in education in Africa. What is not questioned is that ICTs have become a means for communication, between people and of information, and that these means promise to be cost effective.

[T]he growing use of databases and information warehouses, together with the explosion in the use of e-mail to facilitate quick, low-cost communication, are two relatively simple applications that can prove very cost effective (James 2001).

SchoolNet projects – What they aim to achieve

The aims of SchoolNet interventions vary enormously across projects and regions. For some the aim is to increase exposure to and awareness of computers through leisure or social use, for example in the Sayi Centre in Benin. Others require tangible changes to content and curriculum. Most aim explicitly for the improvement of communication and access to information through connectivity. Broader goals include global and local awareness, such as Partners for Internet in Africa, and SchoolNet Zambia (IDRC 2000). The development of local content is a goal expressed by several projects. The Information Policy Handbook (James 2001) regards the design and development of course materials as prerequisites. Though costly, these can be updated frequently and delivered rapidly, besides reducing paper costs. The development of local content is also posited for political, social and pedagogical reasons. It has been considered in relation to capacity, and whether or not the development of content is seen as part of the process of capacity building rather than purely as a product. Beyond new knowledge, capacity includes development in the use of ICTs as well as critical thinking skills through both developing and critiquing local and international content:

[T]he impact of ICTs on learning is connected to the extent to which learners become critical evaluators of information to solve problems and develop new insights and understanding (Howell and Lundall 2000: 34).

Applications of ICTs in African schools range from offering optional courses in computer studies to plans to introduce ICT as a compulsory, non-promotional subject for all learners from Grades 1–12, as is the case in Namibia. Some interventions work with specific student projects – examples include the ‘Laws of Life’ project of the Partners for Internet in Education in Ghana, and SchoolNet Namibia's Insect@thon project on the digital classification of indigenous insects. Others include the broader community. SchoolNet Nigeria, for instance, has a problem-based learning approach that is community based and includes formal links with the United Methodist Church.

Yet others work towards national education goals for the development of the curriculum to include computer education, for example, the application of ICTs in schools and rural training centres in Lesotho (IDRC 2000).

Goals can be specific and measurable (e.g. the acquisition of funding), or they can be more general and intuitive, such as the goal of sensitising policy makers to the importance of ICTs in education. Some cite maintenance of the technology as a goal. Yet others make explicit the importance of incentive reward mechanisms for ensuring sustainability.

Some goals are research based, such as that of SchoolNet Uganda whose stated intention is to undertake a needs assessment for integrated ICT curricula and to establish the status of and requirements for connectivity in schools in different geographical locations. Others include researching the role and value of ICTs in enhancing the quality of teaching and learning. Many projects explicitly stress the importance of sharing information.

Goals thus vary from working with learners, to providing the community with information resources. Some of the specified objectives are quite vague. For instance, the University of Lesotho's school networking project aims to create an enabling environment for the innovative development of information technology in rural communities (IDRC 2000:8). Some are very ambitious. In Morocco for example, the vision for school networking is to enable young people to undertake projects designed to make a meaningful contribution to the health and welfare of the planet and its people (IDRC 2000:9). SchoolNet Nigeria's aims include leadership development, character strengthening and capacity building toward political empowerment, economic development and social revitalisation (IDRC 2000:11).

Policies for SchoolNet projects

Most policy work on ICTs in education in Africa has been funded by donor agencies rather than national governments. Countries have various approaches to policy, ranging from having no policy, such as in Angola and Malawi, to having broad policies, in the case of Mozambique and Namibia (James 2001). In some countries, education policies are established within technology policies, or educational policies are aligned to general policies, such as with the Computer Education Trust in Swaziland. Where national visions exist, computer networking tends to align with the policies (IDRC 2000:14). Where these are being developed, one finds indications of attempts to influence such policy development, for example SchoolNet SA.

Policy formation in a context of social justice would need to take account of the diverse and competing needs of the countries concerned. Importantly, without policies:

 . . . that promote economic growth, the historically under-resourced public educational sector is unlikely to receive sufficient investment to allow it to adequately deploy ICTs effectively. Simultaneously, the relatively small populations and the sheer geographical challenge of reaching people require sharing of resources in order to build economies of scale (James 2001).

In Mozambique, operating from a low skills base, policy is ambitious, with the planning of incentives to develop learning and teaching using ICTs, and the provision of computers in schools. However, it remains to be seen how such plans will be implemented in relation to other pressing educational needs, such as the need for classrooms and basic classroom furniture and resources (Joint Technical Mission 2000).

According to the Information Policy Handbook,

The policy positions . . . when contrasted with the realities of implementation, highlight the enormous challenges (and high risk of failure) presented by education in developing countries. The low institutional, human resource and infrastructure base raises barriers to entry because ICT policies focusing on education are forced to engage with all of these related gaps and weaknesses, massively increasing the scale of the challenge. Simultaneously, this significantly increases the cost of possible policy interventions (James 2001:103)

For parts of Africa, “ICTs are not yet a high policy or financial priority” (James 2001:98). and “ICT-related education policy still needs to establish itself within this set of priorities” (Ibid.:98).

The development or redress perspective is an overall concern for many developing countries. If teaching online requires ongoing teacher development and learner support, it is unlikely in the short term that goals of mass education will be addressed through ICTs.

Several of the broad challenges facing education systems are magnified by a low skills base, significant resource constraints, and a range of non-educational social problems that make the creation and sustenance of any stable social system harder (James 2001:92).

Reach of African SchoolNet projects

Some projects target the least privileged, like the 21st Century Kids Club project in Egypt, while others invest where the infrastructure is more reliable. Project activity is more common in secondary schools than in primary schools. In Lesotho for example, one of 1,250 primary schools and 15 of 204 secondary schools were computer active in 1999 (IDRC 2000:7).

These projects range in scope. Some aim to reach all schools in the country, while others focus on smaller pilot studies or projects. In Côte d'Ivoire, for example, two pilot schools assessed whether or not they could manage educational costs, whereas a pilot study in Egypt involved 150 schools and was followed with plans to cover all schools and develop content for all school grades (IDRC 2000:3). SchoolNet Namibia plans to have all schools connected by 2004, while SchoolNet Zambia plans to connect schools that already have computers. In Botswana and Swaziland, the policy is for all senior secondary teachers to acquire basic computer literacy and for schools to have enough computers to permit all students to develop computer skills.

Emerging models

Project activities within countries are contingent upon the perceived needs and resources available. The range of approaches that respond to context can be seen in the different paths taken toward ICT development. For example in Egypt, the 21st Century Kids Clubs aim to meet their educational goals through clubs, and the Sayi Centre in Benin through cyber centres (Ibid.:3). Telecentres were seen by some projects in Lesotho and South Africa as a way to influence education in schools and, at the same time, to provide access for the broader community (Ibid.:8,13,24).

Different partners have been solicited. The Youth Cyber Clubs project in Senegal has worked with partner schools in Canada, while SchoolNet Zimbabwe opened centres to the commercial sector during non-school hours. In some projects, innovative plans are being tested, for example a ‘cyber bus’ that provides mobile access and raises awareness of the possibilities of using ICTs in South Africa and Zimbabwe.

Emerging data will inform the future development of these initiatives. Tentative indications are that while telecentres may provide exposure to ICTs and raise awareness about how they can be used, ongoing use of telecentres is limited because of the difficulties in getting to them. Also, because of the number of schools linked to a centre, these may have limited impact on the schools. Despite some negative findings, some projects intend to capitalise on centres already established (e.g. SchoolNet Namibia) to improve their facilities and maximise their use. The context is dynamic, and clear indications of best practice are still to emerge, which may in any event be context specific.

The role of champions

Initiatives vary from being government led, such as in Gambia, Ghana and Senegal (Ibid.:5–12), to champion or donor led. The identification of champions or dedicated personnel, such as computer teachers, is cited as important for project success (Howell and Lundall 2000:6). For SchoolNet Namibia, the identification of champions is stated as an explicit goal: to ‘highlight’ and “encourage the critical role of ICT champions and mechanisms to ensure sustainability” (IDRC 2000:11). Where champions exist, it appears that schools can overcome barriers caused by inadequate resources, but that successors need to be developed to sustain the work. Where parents and governing bodies of schools become more involved in the management of schools, imperatives for ICTs in education become stronger (James 2001).

Donor support

Prominent protagonists are the World Bank's World Links for Development (WorLD), the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), the International Education and Resource Network (I*EARN) and the Department for International Development (DFID), Schools Online, and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). Shifting to the goals of donors rather than projects per se, these goals are often broad and ambitious. For example, the aims of WorLD are the provision of Internet access, training, leveraging partnerships, advocacy for educational rates in telecommunications, and evaluation. Areas of particular interest for WorLD are collaboration, cultural awareness, knowledge management and improved teaching (WorLD 2000:2). Its aims include a concern with distance learning, cultural sensitivity, economic and social development and teacher training to integrate ICTs in the classrooms.

Donor organisations support the interventions either independently or collaboratively. For some, collaboration and complementarity are seen as ideal. However, collaboration can lead to difficulties if the basic conditions for participation are not established, and especially if these are dependent on infrastructural conditions and human resource capacity that have inadequately been taken into account. Partnerships are generally seen in a positive light. South Africa's SchoolNet SA is a partnership with four national government departments, the private sector and informal school networking, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and donor communities. Some companies invest where their direct interests may be positively influenced – as with British Aerospace – (IDRC 2000:5–12), while others require an intersection of the needs and their interests. For some, the focus is one specific event, such as the International Schools Cyberfare sponsored by Cisco Systems.

Donors have undertaken much work. WorLD for example, aimed to connect at least 1,200 schools in 40 developing countries by 2000, and has projects in progress in several African countries. However, projects built on money from funding sources have uncertain futures. Unless sustainability is developed as part of the project and ownership of the project is in the hands of the recipients, the impact is likely to be limited (James 2001).

Challenges facing ICTs in Africa

The principal factors that prevent schools from using computers as tools for teaching and learning are insufficient funds, insufficient numbers of computers, lack of computer literate teachers, lack of teacher competence in integrating computers into different learning areas, and the absence of properly developed curricula for teaching computer skills (Howell and Lundall 2000). This section discusses areas that school-networking projects should address and provides examples of how countries in Africa are coping with the challenges facing them.

Availability of infrastructure

Infrastructure for online learning is crucial. Many African countries have a very low base from which to implement ICT interventions in education. It is estimated that less than 1 per cent of people in Africa use or have access to the Internet (African Development Forum 1999, as quoted in Howell and Lundall 2000:48). The figure of 139 students per computer is given for WorLD participants (WorLD 2000:6). Listed in order of rank, aspects that inhibit schools from acquiring computers are an absence of electricity, lack of funding, insufficient building space, lack of available and trained staff, and poor security. In Malawi, where most technology infrastructure is government controlled, very low levels of infrastructure for and use of ICTs are found and many government departments have themselves not yet acquired computers. In sub-Saharan Africa, the low teledensity and high costs of installing and maintaining lines are major barriers. Wireless technology is seen as a possibility for rural schools (e.g. in Lesotho). Some countries have implemented pilot projects for wireless technology in rural areas, for example SchoolNet Uganda.

Computer access and use

The development of computer use in Africa is very uneven. In some countries like South Africa, some sectors of schooling are using computers in education to an extent on par with the developed world, while others are only beginning to explore the possibilities of introducing school networking, for example SchoolNet Malawi. A few are in the start-up phase and most of the developments have been established since 1997.

Time spent on computers in SchoolNet activities in Africa is generally limited and is related to the type of access and use. Students doing computer studies will spend more time working with the technology than other students. While teachers and students in schools that have computers learn basic computer skills such as word processing, the integration of computers across learning areas happens in only a minority of schools. Pedagogical use is more common in the areas of mathematics, science and technology than in the humanities, especially since some funding is targeted at these areas, as with Microsoft in South Africa (IDRC 2000:26).

Budgeting for ICTs

Schools do not budget adequately for maintaining the use of computers, and instead dedicate their computer budgets, where these exist, to the purchase of computers and software. In schools: ‘the costs of installation, maintenance and expansion remain hidden unlike in the commercial sector where the capital costs of a PC represent only one fifth of the yearly cost of running that PC’ (Lynch 1999, as quoted in Howell and Lundall 2000:47).

Costs include teacher training, and additional advisory and technical staff as support, both in the technological and pedagogical fields. The Internet for Schools Project in Mozambique, for instance, has both technical and pedagogical coordinators. In addition, hardware, software, telecommunications, infrastructure such as phone lines, and content development have to be budgeted for. Fewer than 5 per cent of South African schools with computers budget for teacher training in the use of ICTs (James 2001). Initial expenditure has to be considered along with the recurrent costs in order to sustain the use of ICTs in education, in particular the investment in the human capability (Ibid.:46).

Budgets tend to derive from fees, fundraising and donations, although in some countries such as Nigeria, government funding is provided. Evidence of the cost effectiveness of spending on ICTs rather than, say, libraries has not yet been established (Ibid.:47).

Training in ICT skills

The lack of infrastructure may be compensated for by the commitment of the teachers. In some countries projects focus on training for the implementation and sustainability of ICT-based interventions in education. Some see preservice training as essential, such as the revised national policy on education in Botswana and the aims of SchoolNet Namibia (IDRC 2000:2), while others consider in-service training the appropriate response. Some hope that "cascade" models will work, like in the Ministry of Education in Gambia (Ibid.: 5). Some claim that it has already done so, as in the case of Ghana (Ibid.: 6). Others still rely on volunteers, both young and old, to sustain the intervention. Such is the case with the I*EARN Project in Côte d'Ivoire (Ibid.:4) and SchoolNet Namibia (Acacia Workshop 2001).

Training goals vary but most are based on training schedules using workshops to cover the various skills. In general, training is seen more in terms of time spent on training than in terms of outcomes such as proficiency in the skills, comfort with the technology or experience in integrating use of the Internet into curricula (Telkom). Training generally includes basic computer literacy, exposure to the basics of email, search engines, website design and the integration of technology in the classroom, in a concentrated period with groups at various levels of competence. Training may take place over a single intervention of a few days or weeks, like the Telkom 1000 Schools Internet Project in South Africa, and WorLD, I*EARN and Global SchoolNet training in Ghana. Many teachers are new to computers and the training for this group has been ambitious.

Diverse approaches are evident in the literature. And teachers have not been the only focus for training iniatives: SchoolNet Uganda has called for the training of trainers and SchoolNet Zambia trains selected learners.

The provision of support for teachers and the development of networks form part of teachers' training. These networks offer coordination and support functions for educators and are cited as one of the factors enabling a school to overcome barriers created by inadequate resources (Howell and Lundall 2000:6). In some countries that have established associations, such as Ghana's Partners for Internet in Education, the aim is to bring together schools, companies, organisations and individuals interested in promoting and using the Internet in learning and teaching, within and across countries, which can serve to promote online learning.

The pedagogical value of ICTs

Although computers have been used in some schools in Africa for up to a decade, for example for "drill and practice" exercises in conventional curricula, the infusion of computers into all subject areas, integrated into classroom practice in a way that transforms pedagogy, is relatively new. Shifts in pedagogy include a move to problem-based or investigative learning, which not only requires learners to assume increasing responsibility for the learning process but also requires teachers to surrender the type of control over the learning process they exercise in conventional pedagogy. Learning becomes more open ended, with the teacher's role changing to one of "facilitator" rather than "provider". The assumption is that work becomes more collaborative and learners become more engaged in the learning process, seeking out new knowledge and skills motivated by need. Learning is assumed to last longer and be more "meaningful" than in more conventional models of learning as acquisition. Students with online access can manage information and communicate their ideas effectively (Sherry 1998). Learning becomes participation and acquisition in a more interactive context.

Calls for ICTs to be integrated into the curriculum have been made globally. Both developed and developing countries, such as Ireland, the USA and Canada, as well as some of the countries studied in this evaluation, are drawing up and effecting new ICT policies that make novel demands on teaching and learning. Policies for curriculum development using ICTs in some African countries are still visionary rather than material (e.g. Botswana, Egypt and South Africa).

Changing teaching and learning practices

Many IC T interventions have ambitiously stated that integration of IC Ts across the curriculum is one of their major goals (e.g. the Telkom 1000 Schools Internet Project in South Africa), but the literature indicates that the widespread realisation of this goal is unlikely in the short term. Drawing on emerging data from existing interventions, reasons given for anticipated difficulties include Africa's more recent and far more limited exposure to ICTs, the lack of appropriate infrastructure such as telephony and electricity, the lack of human resource capability, and generally underserved populations. Further, a common belief is that time is needed to develop familiarity with computers and their possibilities before computer technology will restructure classroom activities. Sherry (1998:113–145) draws on Hall's (1987, as quoted in Howell and Lundall 2000:6) model of stages of concern in change. Each stage is characterised by specific questions, concerns or anxieties about the innovation and changes to practice.

Stages of development cited are those of general familiarity with the technology, with a focus on the technology itself, to a stage where the person can begin to use the technology for certain tasks, for example, writing reports or keeping records. The final stages are the competent pedagogical use of the technology, which significantly alters practices in problem solving and the critical evaluation of information found online. Although contested, some claim the longer the school has had computers, the more likely it is to be integrating them effectively into the curriculum (Howell and Lundall 2000:6). Sherry (1998) claims that the learning process in technologies for teachers who are being trained in a "train the trainer" approach are learning from peers; experimenting and adopting; co-learning and co-exploring with their students; and reflecting - rejecting or confirming the uses while becoming the next cohort of peer trainers. Shared vision is central to the model. However, strong voices for "back to basics" or the massification of traditional approaches may scupper attempts at integration, especially if dissension festers among those who can strongly influence the success of the projects.

The integration of ICTs in curricula and teacher training and confidence are integrally related. Factors that accompany the successful implementation of ICTs in schools are both networks of connectivity and ongoing teacher training, together with the uses of computers in administration and management (Howell and Lundall 2000:2). The more confident the teachers, the more integrated and innovative uses are made of ICTs. It is claimed that teachers who have attained a high sense of self-efficacy and comfort level with telecommunications are usually those who have adopted them in the classroom (Sherry 1998).

The concept of situated cognition is useful to draw on here. In "communities of practice" newcomers to the practice become legitimate peripheral participants, gradually moving to full participation over time and with more responsible participation in the practices (Lave 1991). This has implications for both teachers and learners who are new to ICTs. Two levels of community exist: the surrounding social community in which the learner participates, as well as the virtual community on the Internet. The development of ICTs in education becomes part of a learning process for teachers, learning new roles in relation both to the technology and pedagogy, and to the value they can add within developing contexts.

Using a notion of learning as participation in a community of practice makes interventions difficult to assess. Indicators, observations and perceptions can be compared if baseline studies are available, but many changes cannot be causally attributed to the intervention, nor are they likely to be seen in the short term. WorLD has benchmarks that it uses, relative to context. These pertain to measures for implementation and impact. The former include teacher training support (received and given), access, time, nature and purpose of ICT use, student-centred pedagogy, cognitively complex learning activities, collaboration (within schools and across countries), and gender participation. WorLD evaluation studies look at student technology skills and attitudes, communication and information reasoning skills, cultural awareness, attitudes to school, impact on young women, teachers' technological and pedagogical skills and attitudes, and perceptions of the potential employability of students. Sometimes, however, the effects of an educational intervention are intangible, though subjectively present.

ICTs have clearly made new demands on an already stretched sector while simultaneously offering opportunities in support of current difficulties.

The enthusiasm for ICTs may well ultimately be the catalyst for transforming dominant education practices (James 2001: 29).

Meeting the needs of diverse stakeholders

Many different interest groups are involved in online learning. These include learners and their teachers, their organisations and communities, governments, as well as the development and private sectors. All have stakes in the successful development of online learning. However, different voices about the importance of online learning are present. The optimistic voice cites the radical possibilities provided by online learning for the development of critical thinking and problem solving. The "inevitabilists" (Howell and Lundall 2000:6,24) see ICTs as part of life and believe that learners need to be equipped to deal with them, or at least not be totally disorientated by them. Pessimism is voiced about the possibilities of already underserved educational sectors in developing countries being able to invest in ICTs where other needs are more pressing.

Research and evaluation

More research is needed to evaluate the influence of online learning. Some claim insufficient evidence to attribute positive benefits to computers, while others state that if the right questions are asked, the value of ICTs in learning is certainly positive (Lundall 2000:41). Literature suggests that the more systemic the changes, the more effective ICTs will be in education (Ibid.: 42). This systemic approach includes uses of ICTs in administration and management, and in broader management of the education system. Data can be more easily collected from schools, for instance, and educators can have an easier access route to government departments where two-way communication is possible. A more holistic approach requires that schools be receptive and open to the changes ICTs may make, and to the ongoing evaluation of these changes for the schools' purposes. There is evidence from countries such as Botswana, Namibia and South Africa that investments in ICTs in some countries are now becoming sufficiently significant for systemic impact (Ibid.: 36; James 2001: 27).

This brief literature review would be incomplete without some reference to the process of evaluation itself. Evaluation research is seen as critical to understanding and directing the process of integrating ICTs in education, in this case in African SchoolNets and school networking projects. Many of the funded ICT interventions include an evaluative component such as this book provides. Evaluation is not only dynamic in that it takes account of research and development in a developing context, but the technology and approaches to evaluation change too. Evaluation processes themselves become more holistic, moving away from studies that provide reasonably certain but limited data, to a broader, richer view. Taking a view of a curriculum that includes participation in a community of practice involves looking at aspects of ICTs in education that consider developments in technology, changes in learning and teaching practice, individual and organisational learning and so on. This is not an easy task. Studies may need to become longitudinal, which will require funders to invest in longer-term initiatives, so that influences, or hypothesised influences, of the technologies may be investigated over time. Shorter studies include perceptions of participants and research the lived experiences of stakeholders in the interventions. For example, the WorLD study in Mozambique showed that WorLD had a positive impact on Mozambique teachers, with 78 per cent claiming satisfaction with the programme and 82 per cent claiming more professional satisfaction (see also SAIDE 2000a).

Sherry (1998) speaks of a structural model for ICT interventions that comprises the following components:

• Technological – access, cost, type and age of computers and hardware, physical aspects of the school network, reliability and interface;
• Individual – user characteristics and perceptions, such as motivation, need for control, attitudes, anxiety, prior experience and skill level;
• Organisational – complex needs of the educational institution, district, community and the broader community; and
• Teaching and learning factors – instructional goals, pedagogical strategies and espoused learning theories.

This is an expanded version of previous adoption models where technological barriers, user characteristics and organisational issues were studied in relation to the success of ICT innovations. This promises to be an interesting aspect of research for later evaluation studies, and teaching and learning questions could be a possible point of intervention.

Conclusion

Time and research may foreground new perspectives. One line of thinking is that Africa cannot afford to exclude itself from globalisation and global connectedness and has to "get on board" with ICTs, while others express the concern that connectivity and technology compete with more pressing priorities. Exclusion is a concern not only nationally, but also internationally. As urban centres are "better places" for digital technologies than rural areas, fears are expressed that urban-rural digital divides may intensify. With exclusion goes fears of increased antagonisms between rich and poor, young and old, urban and rural and boys and girls, across and within nations. All these tensions threaten the potential success of school networking initiatives and pose the biggest challenge for practitioners and decision makers. It is against this background, with its particular challenges and constraints, that the IDRC's evaluation of selected school networking has to be considered.

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