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IntroductionCoal mining began in Nigeria in 1916. Average production in the first decade was >150 000 t annually (Table 1); this reached a level of around 300 000 t per year by the time World War II broke out. From the 1940s to the mid-1960s, production averaged >600 000 t a year, until the Nigerian civil war (1967–70) disrupted activities. In 1976/77, production began to decline rapidly, reaching as low as 53 500 t annually in 1983. This was remarkable. Concomitantly, the sole enterprise responsible for coal mining in Nigeria, the Nigerian Coal Corporation (NCC), began an economic decline. Its operating losses in 1979 were 9.5 million NGN (in 1995, 78.5 Nigerian naira [NGN] = 1 United States dollar [USD]), and the corporation could not even meet its administrative costs. Paradoxically, in 1977/78, when it sustained its greatest operating loss, NCC's production was fairly substantial: >190 000 t.
Of course, there were many reasons for the decline of the coal industry. Some factors were external to NCC. Among these were the following:
In 1976, the year that productivity began to decline, the Nigerian government commissioned the state-owned Polish Overseas Mining Company, KOPEX, to completely modernize NCC's technology, installing fully mechanized longwall equipment, with shield support. The investment and installation process lasted 3 years and was completed in 1979. Production was expected to grow from a first-phase installed capacity of 624 000 t/year to 1 Mt/year. What happened was the exact opposite: the installation of the first phase marked the beginning of an incredible productivity slump at NCC. In the 1960s, productivity had been 0.6 t/person per shift (Table 2). In 1979, it was 0.09 t/person per shift. NCC abandoned the new and expensive machinery, after which productivity rose again. By 1986, it was 0.36 t/person per shift. NCC continued to be a drain on government, and, like all other public enterprises of its kind, it was placed on the list of enterprises to be commercialized.
This failure of NCC is one of the reasons for this study. There are a number of radical technical and managerial conditions that an enterprise of this kind must meet to achieve sustained productivity growth. The study should bring out the kinds of policy lessons that will be useful for similar firms in Nigeria and elsewhere. In addition, because this 70-year-old industry is unique among the heavy industries in Nigeria, it gives us an opportunity to examine what happened over a relatively long historical period. The nexus of technology choice and productivity growth represents two sides of the same coin (Pack 1987), requiring adequate time-series data. It is left to be seen whether the age of a firm directly correlates with its technological capabilities or its ability to become a mature enterprise. The research problemThere are many sides to the research problem — all with very important implications for public policy. However, the technological investments made in 1976–79 will constitute our point of departure. We shall concentrate on the technological dimension of the investment process and define the problem as one of technology choice. To the extent that investment in new technology entails considerable foreign and local finance capital, the problem of technology choice becomes crucial. The issues involved in technology choice could be varied and complex. The decision to adopt an industrial product and process results from the combined effort of many actors and many decision centres. Some questions come readily to mind:
Following from the above, the study proposes to trace NCC's operations over a long period to bring out the factors responsible for the observed behaviour and those responsible for the productivity performance. There are several approaches we could take. According to Pack (1987, p. 41), we can emphasize one major obstacle (absence of "modernity") in an occasionally tautological way, and the implicit hypotheses are largely incapable of being tested or quantified. A more fruitful approach involves the identification of the most likely major sources of deviation from best-practice productivity and the quantification of each of them where possible.The "fruitful" approach suggested by Pack (1987) is more holistic and considers (1) factors at the national and industry levels; (2) technomanagerial capability at the firm level; and (3) productivity of industrial workers at the task level. For this study, the following six hypotheses were proposed:
The research objectivesThe research objectives were to examine the technical-change process in the Nigerian coal industry for the past 30 years and also look at the way NCC made a technological choice for a major investment project. The research actually focused more on the latter objective because institutional memory was insufficient for generating credible bases for past behaviour. The project was designed to capture the industrial and enterprise behaviour of NCC during a long period to allow policymakers to make informed policy prescriptions for the expected future under rapidly changing conditions. To this end, the following questions were asked:
Scope of studyThe study covered the following aspects:
MethodologyThe conceptual framework adopted for this study was flexible enough to capture the range of activities undertaken in NCC's technical-investment process before, during, and after the installation of its operating plants and to compare these with the activities in the typical technical-investment process, which has three phases: the preinvestment phase, the investment phase, and the postinvestment phase (Table 3).
I collected all available technical, economic, and financial data for each phase and analyzed these to determine the project costs, financial clauses, and choice of technique, raw materials, and energy and how well these latter variables were suited to the technoeconomic environment. It is inevitable that the choices made during the first two phases would bear heavily on the postinvestment phase. Analysis of operational data would provide useful evidence of the way the project was conceived and implemented. Data were collected to reveal maintenance capability and the quality of machinery and equipment. In the postinvestment phase, a process plant requires certain basic technological, material, and managerial inputs to function well (see Oyeyinka 1988 for a full elaboration). These include basic feedstock (e.g., raw materials, energy, utilities); technical and organizational capacities, (e.g., operational, maintenance, and innovation capabilities); and replacements (e.g., spare parts and consumables). The overall technical capability of an enterprise is a function of its ability to simultaneously provide all these components. To capture firm-level performance, I looked at the following parameters:
Data collectionNonstructured questionnaires were used to collect from NCC primary data on its technical performance. Visits were made to the mines to see the working environment. Economic and financial data were collected from both the firm and the Mines, Power and Steel Ministry. Secondary enterprise data and policy papers were obtained from other research institutes: the Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research; the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies; and the Nigerian Export Promotion Council (which collects data on export statistics).To get a view of the two sides of the equation, the demand and supply sides, I used a set of questionnaires to randomly sample the users and potential users of coal and coal products: NEPA, NRC, and the steel plants. I was unable to visit the various NEPA installations and had to seek information from the headquarters. Technical change in the coal industryCoal mining started essentially as a manual process and remained so for a very long time. However, extraction of large underground reserves was limited by the presence of water. The first major technological innovation was the introduction in 1710 of Newcomen's steam atmospheric engine, which eased the water problem and made previously vast and inaccessible reserves available for industrial use.This was the age of the industrial revolution, and coal was at centre stage. Indeed, in the first two technological revolutions, spanning the period between the 1770s and 1890s, the coal industry was a key sector (Freeman and Perez 1988). Coal, in a cluster with the pig iron (the iron and steel sector), cotton, and railway industries, fostered dramatic new growth in textiles, chemicals, machinery, water power, iron castings, machine tools, and shipping. Coal, thus, qualifies as what Freeman and Perez referred to as a "key factor" input in the creation of a new technoeconomic paradigm. Freeman and Perez (1988) clearly defined the "key factor" in a paradigmatic change and the conditions that must be fulfilled. To properly conceptualize the pervasive effects of the technoeconomic change the coal industry introduced at the time, one must view these effects as much wider, as Freeman and Perez emphasized, than just a "cluster" of innovations; that is, the paradigm change is a combination of interrelated product and process, technical, organizational and managerial innovations, embodying a quantum jump in potential productivity for all or most of the economy and opening up an unusually wide range of investment and profit opportunities. Such a paradigm change implies a unique new combination of decisive technical and economic advantages.Newcomen's steam atmospheric engine was further refined by Watt and others, and, in time, coal production soared, especially in underground mines. The mechanization of coal mining initially covered mine ventilation, water drainage, and transport of coal to the surface. Technical change was then directed toward increasing the productivity of the mines. The manual methods of supporting the roof and extracting, loading, transporting, and grading were replaced with mechanical methods. Nevertheless, innovation ever since has remained incremental and focused on these key aspects of coal mining, and these have been quite certainly responsible for the observed productivity change in the industry. Coal mines are heterogeneous because of the differences in their natural bedding conditions, such as the thickness and slope of coal seams. It follows that mining machinery has to be designed to accommodate the idiosyncratic conditions of the mines. Hence, the incremental innovations were meant not only to foster productivity growth but also to accommodate a wide range of geological conditions. For instance, shearers and self-advancing roof supports were initially developed for flat and moderately thick seams, but much later, functionally different equipment, albeit with the same name, had to be developed for steep bedding and thin seams. In sum, although bedding conditions may require differentiated techniques, mining technologies vary little. For example, techniques for underground mining can be divided broadly into longwall and shortwall; each is suited for a particular range of geological conditions. Not all countries with substantial coal reserves adopted the different innovations at the same time, but most investments in mechanization ended in the 1960s. By this time, "large scale application of machines to coal face operations... with fully mechanized longwall mining 'system'" (Clark 1987) was in place. This new system, amenable to remote-control monitoring through microelectronics, sharply increased productivity, which rose from around 1.2 t/person per shift in the mid-1950s to 2.2 t/person per shift by 1970, almost 100%. In other areas, information technology improved the management of collieries most dramatically, leading to great savings in labour costs. Modern technologies, such as those using X-rays, are improving the quality control in coal properties; new conveyor and elevator systems have replaced manual methods of transportation; and new ventilation techniques have been introduced. Table 4 lists the major innovations in the industry since World War II.
The Nigerian coal industry: historical backgroundThe Nigerian coal industry was born in 1909, when coal was first discovered along the Udi Escarpment in the present Anambra State, and mining commenced in 1916. The NCC, established in 1950, handles all aspects of the Nigerian coal industry.The extensive coal deposits in Nigeria vary in grade and structure from area to area. The reserves, shown in Table 5, are not equally distributed but have a total potential of almost 3 Gt. This supply is expected to last for well more than 100 years.
Subbituminous coal is found mainly in the north–south belt, stretching from the Afikpo and Okigwe area, through Enugu and Ezimo, to Orupa, Oturkpo, Okaba, Dekina, and Idah and from Afuji in Delta State northward, to Koton Karifi in Kwara State. Lignite deposits are found in the southern belt, stretching from Umuahia to Ihioma and across to Nnewi and Onitsha. The belt extends to Asaba, Oguwashi– Ukwu, and Odiasa and finally ends near Okitipupa. The lignite deposits are found close to the surface, so mining is easier and cheaper than for the deeper coals. Coking coals, found in the Lafia–Obi coal field, are high in sulfur and have to be processed before use. Before independence in 1960, coal was the major energy resource. There was not much of an alternative, anyway, and this caused a steady increase in coal production, as shown in Table 1. Between 1916 and 1928/29, there was steady and consistent growth in production rates, from about 2500 t to almost 370 000 t. NRC and the electricity suppliers in the country were the major consumers of coal in this period. The construction of the Port Harcourt – Enugu rail line was an important catalyst for the accelerated growth of coal production. During the Great Depression (1929–39), however, production fell to a low of about 238 000 t (1933/34) from the previous peak of almost 370 000 t (1928/29). This represents a fall in annual production of 132 000 t. Production improved tremendously during World War II, reaching 514 000 t in 1944/45. The peak production times in the history of the Nigerian coal industry was in the late-1950s, with an average output of more than 806 000 t. Until independence in 1960, coal was a major component of the commercial energy needs of the country. The exit of the colonial masters, however, saw a very sharp fall in production, from almost 920 000 t in 1958/59 to about 575 000 t in 1960/61. Shortly after, though, production picked up again, steadily growing until the civil war cut off production completely for 3 years (1967–70). The mines destroyed during the war were repaired, and production resumed in 1970/71. Output rose to a maximum of about 328 000 t in 1971/72, by which time the extraction of oil and gas in Nigeria had begun in earnest. The oil boom led to an almost total neglect of the coal industry: NCC's major customers, such as NRC, started using the less bulky and much more efficient diesel oil. In addition, most of the NEPA power-generating stations abandoned coal in favour of natural gas, oil, or hydroenergy. This was not peculiar to Nigeria: the world also switched to nonsolid fuels. Other West African countries that formerly imported Nigerian coal for their railways also changed to diesel. Consequently, the shrinking market led to the gradual decline in coal production in Nigeria. However, there was still a potentially high demand for coal because most ECOWAS member states were not oil producers. Enugu coal fieldMining in the Enugu coal field started in 1917 and is supported by the following infrastructures:
The Enugu coal field has proven reserves of 54 Mt, and each of the two mines can rapidly be mechanized to a production capacity of more than 1 Mt/year. Okaba coal fieldThe Okaba coal field, where mining started in 1968, has opencast, or surface, mining. Okaba has the following advantages:
Ogboyoga coal fieldThe Ogboyoga coal field is approximately 20 km northwest of Okaba. Its advantages lie in its proximity to Ajaokuta and its large proven reserve of 107 Mt. Because of its topography, opencast mining is limited to about 18 Mt.Lafia–Obi coal fieldThe Lafia–Obi coal field has the only Nigerian coal with coking properties, but it is high in ash (31–45%) and sulfur (1 to > 6%). It has been extensively explored (137 boreholes); 36 seams have been identified, but only 2 (No. 12 and No. 13) are feasible for mining. Consequently, out of 22 Mt of proven reserves, only 15 Mt is workable and only 6.42 Mt is recoverable.The area is geologically disturbed and has many normal and reverse faults, with throws of 8–125 m. The seams dip from 1 in 14 to 1 in 2, and nowhere are they level. In-seam exploration was required to see if it was feasible to mine the coal field. This exploration was to take about 2 years, at a cost of about 16 million NGN. Experts expect that mining may well be difficult. Because of the high sulfur content, the mine water is likely acidic and, therefore, corrosive. Based on these constraints, the capacity of the Lafia–Obi coal field may be limited to 450 000 t/year of run-of-mine (ROM) product. Because of the poor quality of the ROM product, the coal will need cleaning. The yield of the cleaned product will be very low (about 20%), amounting to about 90 000 t/year. This is equivalent to about 7% of Ajaokuta's initial demand. Consequently, the Lafia–Obi coal field would provide only a fraction of the blend of coals needed for Ajaokuta if this field is ever mined. Description of production techniquesNCC once had three drift mines near the town of Enugu. These were the Okpara, Onyeama, and Ribadu mines. However, Ribadu Mine was closed, so only the first two were pertinent to this research. Okpara Mine, the largest of the two, is about 10 km south of Enugu. The Okpara Mine includes the Okpara New Mine, the Okpara East Mine, and the Okpara West Mine. Okpara East, the largest of the three, is northeast of the Olowba River at the head of Okpara Valley. The available mining area is about 9.2 m² and lies to the west of the Hayes Fault. The Onyeama Mine, on the other hand, has an area of 10 m², has an estimated 20 million t of coal, and lies 12 m west of the Asata Fault.Research findingsFrom records of operations and maintenance, I tried to document details of NCC's inadequacies and trace these inadequacies to the decisions made in the earlier phases of the project. The project can best be described as a series of failures resulting from the constraints that attended it right from start.Machinery and equipment failuresEquipment failure was pervasive and frequent. The following examples taken from operational records illustrate what happened almost daily at the mines:
Geological and infrastructural weaknessesThe geological problems were very severe. Very little was known about the characteristics and nature of the mine waters, the constraints the fault patterns would have on the longwall layout, or the roof and floor pressures. One consequence was excessive weight on the powered roof supports along the face line. The undulating seam floor made it impossible to establish a definite gathering ground for mine water. This posed severe problems to longwall operations and also created excessively acidic mine waters. Within 2 months of operation, the Polish pumps began to break down as a result of the excess acid in the water. The pumps were made of cast iron and not easily repaired.The operations also suffered considerably from inadequate transportation. Railway wagons needed to evacuate the coal were in very short supply, and the resulting dumping of coal created blockages in the coal bunkers. Nominal production targets could not be met, and what was produced could not find its way to the consumer. Power supply was inadequate, and outages were more the rule than the exception. The estimated production loss resulting from power outages alone was about 21 000 t in 215 h. Power outages also created severe flooding problems because the pumps were inoperative most of the time. Human resources deficiencyAs already pointed out, different stages of technology acquisition demand different levels of technical competence. Although a broad engineering and economic knowledge base may well suffice in the preinvestment phase, specific competence is needed as the project progresses to the investment phase. For instance, the formation of a commissioning team facilitates the rapid transfer of knowledge at the start-up stage. This is the stage at which all design imperfections become obvious. This is the stage at which engineers and management get to understand the special character of the technical system.There is no evidence that NCC even conceived of a commissioning team, and there was no awareness of the complexity of the human resources requirements for what was, in fact, a new system. Even the Polish engineers at the site were of very limited use to operation and maintenance. It is unclear whether KOPEX did in fact deploy its most competent engineers. What may well have undermined the effort of the KOPEX engineers, if, indeed, they had the requisite capabilities, was the extremely poor supporting infrastructure. Analysis of research findingsThe general findingsThis section will focus on the period 1976–82, the period during which the major investment was made. However, to provide a context for analysis, the physical output preceding the period is given below:
At the time of the first phase of the installation of the Polish equipment, a nominal production target of 3.7 Mt was set for 1976/77–1981/82. For the 6 year period, only 831 830 t was produced, representing a capacity utilization of 22.5% (see productivity figures in Table 2). The dismal physical outputs were reflected in the financial performance of the firm. NCC's liquidity problem was so severe that regular overdraft spending was needed to cover operating costs. Human resourcesTable 6 lists the elements contributing to NCC's failure, along with the consequences of NCC's actions and inaction. The first element on that list is human-resources development. At the time of the technical change, junior staff made up 87.5% of total human resources at NCC; professionals and management staff, 12.5%.
Today, direct-production staff are mostly junior-level and illiterate members. The few professional staff (who mostly supervise) are not directly involved in production; most are in the head office. Although NCC has the negative characteristics of an old establishment, that is, it has an aged work force, the firm completely lacks the positive characteristics of acquired technological competence. Our findings show that the senior staff of the firm are mostly illiterate mine hands, who have no alternative means of livelihood. Partly as a result of the mining techniques but more as a result of overstaffing at the junior-staff level, productivity growth has in the main been negative. Two factors were readily identifiable:
With the acquisition of new technology, a firm must provide some training in key areas of design and operation, both locally and in the home base of the technology supplier. There was no attempt to systematically train the staff: it seemed that NCC relied solely on "training by operating." With the skill level that NCC is saddled with, it is not surprising that the acquisition process turned out to be a costly experiment. It is important to mention that the firm had no specific human resources strategy for start-up. A strategy is necessary to reap the benefits of start-up calls for multidisciplinary engineering and technical pools of skills for scheduling, operation, and maintenance. The assignment of start-up teams may well go beyond the routine of ensuring a smooth takeoff. Because they have the knowledge, members of a start-up team tend to assume leadership of future technological investment necessary to make adjustments. Troubleshooting tends to imbue the engineer with the confidence needed to face future challenges. Design formulae, procedures and routines, and theoretically determined specifications may well undergo radical alterations during commissioning and start-up. Active participation in start-up operations contributes to evolutionary technological mastery. Therefore, the neglect of this critical subphase may well have contributed to the observed failure of NCC. Because the firm had no deliberate strategies to capture the experience needed for start-up, perhaps it did not plan to acquire that kind of technical knowledge. The firm may also have been unaware of such a need. If the firm was aware, the human resources structure of NCC leads one to the conclusion that the firm was without the capacity to plan for such an endeavour. Prefeasibility and detailed studiesA feasibility study and a detailed study were not done before money was committed to the KOPEX project. As indicated in Table 6, the feasibility of the project would have been ascertained by consideration of alternative design concepts. A feasibility study would have included a geological study to determine the conditions of the mine water. As it turned out, nothing was known about it. Detailed study would have revealed the tectonic character and dimensions of the mines. For instance, because these steps were not taken, the longwall supports (props and shields) that KOPEX supplied were a mismatch for the NCC mines. These systems are more suitable for deeper mines, such as found in Britain, West Germany, and Poland. The system failed completely in a situation where the overlying roof was about 50–200 m, a characteristic of near-surface mines. The structural configuration of the Nigerian mines created rock pressure, a phenomenon that is absent in Poland, where the equipment originated. If detailed studies had been done, stronger longwall supports to counterpoise the heavy loads in the overlying rocks would have been designed and installed. As part of the detailed study, an economic study would have been undertaken.In the end, the total capital investment came to $55 million USD. Based on the rated capacity of the mines, the cost per tonne installed was about 90 USD, compared with about 20–40 USD/t in most industrialized countries, including South Africa. This cost excluded training. Detailed studies would have given NCC the information it needed to decide whether to accept this kind of cost and, indeed, whether it was wise to go ahead with the investment. As it turned out, the NCC invested in a costly experiment; worse still, the experiment failed. Procurement and start-upOnly a brief comment is called for here because some aspects of start-up were discussed in "Human Resources." Following the pattern established right from the conception of this project, no cost–benefit analysis was undertaken and no competitive tenders were invited. Technical and financial alternatives were not considered. The activities ordinarily engaged in by firms during the period of procurement — that is, choosing, coordinating, and supervising suppliers — became the sole prerogative of KOPEX, and it decided what it wished to supply to the NCC.During commissioning, there were about 100 Polish engineers on site, but I was unable to obtain details about their qualifications and experience. According to sources at NCC, however, "these chaps were just as confused as we were, or even worse, they could hardly deal with any of the technical problems we had." Productivity dropped drastically during start-up, which is abnormal. Any serious equipment manufacturer would have ensured that an optimal level was reached during this phase. If a performance-guarantee test shows a failure of the equipment to conform to the expected norms, a manufacturer risks penalty payments and jeopardizes future contracts with the client and with other clients, as well. For these reasons, it is ordinarily expected that productivity will be at a very high level during this phase of the project. It may be argued that structural imbalances and design inadequacies made the job of the Polish engineers more difficult. But this could not possibly explain all the problems. What calls into question the competence of these "experts" was their inability to make adaptations to solve mundane engineering problems. NCC's maintenance records show how small technical problems tended to overwhelm the engineers. Throughout the performance-guarantee period, the system never attained anything near its nominal output, and because NCC had never considered any penalty clauses, KOPEX got away with the nonperformance of its obligations. Production capabilityThe elements of production capability are listed in Table 6. More often than not, an engineer will interpret the transfer of production capability as the transfer of technological capability per se. Indeed, technology transfer through a turnkey arrangement is incapable of providing anything but the elements of production capability. Extra effort is needed, and, in most instances, separate contractual agreements will be required for the acquisition of technological capability because turnkey projects deliver "packaged" facilities.The start-up of NCC clearly signalled the future production trajectory of the firm. Preparation for commissioning was inadequate because preparation for production management and engineering was inadequate. Not much information was available on the details of quality control and production scheduling: however, maintenance records show that very little was achieved. NCC failed woefully at maintenance and elementary innovations for the following reasons:
The market and the views of coal usersNCC also had to contend with demand-side problems:
However, there was no certainty that with the high capital–output ratio (NCC's capital investment was extremely high), the firm's product would have been competitive on the world market. It is also doubtful that NCC would have had the facilities to exploit that market. This is all conjecture, of course, but there is an even more fundamental misconception pertaining to the potential demand from the domestic iron and steel sector. Enugu coal has a noncoking character and is mainly suitable for steam raising, as in thermal power plants. The use of Enugu coal in steel production would be limited: the coal would have to be blended with coals of superior coking quality. The demand for coal in Ajaokuta is potentially high, but NCC is a long way from being able to meet this demand. From discussions with domestic users, it appears that the future of coal may depend on the external market. Far from switching to coal, cement companies, such as West African Portland Cement Company have connected their facilities to the major domestic gas line. This trend is likely to be followed by other users. The major attraction of gas is that it is a clean form of energy. In addition, transporting coal far from its point of production adds to the overall cost of the product. These are the major concerns of the potential domestic consumers of coal.
Chapter 3. Management of Technological Change in Africa: The Coal Industry in Nigeria (continued) 2004 |
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